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中国财政科学研究院

The slow pace of job creation was without precedent for the period on recovery from a recession, but the conditions that conspired to cause the recession were also _______.

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None of these students, including the one who passed today’s test is _______ the standard of last year’s students.

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Directions: Write a composition of no less than 250 words based on the information provided below on your ANSWE SHEET:Among the most pressing problems in China’s education, especially in rural areas and towns/counties, is the scarcity of qualified teachers. There may be some ways to improve. Some argue that China should increase the salaries of teachers, especially in rural areas, as one of the most important incentives to promote the education in rural and less developed towns and counties in China. What’s your view? (You may provide a title suitable for your composition.)

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Section B Chinese to English Translation (20 points)Directions: Translate the following text into English. Write your translation on your ANSWER SHEET.（41）“一带一路”的独特部分是强调建立陆地和海洋基础设施。基础设施是所有国家的永久性需求。由于各国对基础设施的普遍重视，区域性的基础设施和联通项目建设从政治上来说相对容易往前推进。这些项目将自然地增加贸易、投资和各国之间人民的交流。跨国基础设施项目服务于跨境贸易的增长目标，因而是比自由贸易协定更容易促进贸易的方式，而这是当今世界上很多国家都强烈反对的。（42）中国迄今为止已成功实现了渐进式经济下滑，接下来的问题是如何实现长期可持续增长。看看增长的需求端，投资长期以来已成为主要驱动。尽管中国的人均资本存量比更发达的经济体低，(中国)仍然需要实现从投资向消费的逐渐平衡，以避免进一步的资本错配及其负面影响，如一些行业和房地产的过剩。中国在两年前就已经开始这种再平衡努力了，最近的政府工作报告及2017年国民经济与社会发展计划草案又重申了对促进消费的重视。

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Section A English to Chinese (20 points)Directions: Translate the underlined part of the following text into Chinese. Write your translation on your ANSWER SHEET.If Republicans in Congress unite behind Donald Trump’s agenda, it will not be because they have changed their views on economics. Whatever Mr. Trump’s plans for border taxes and fiscal stimulus, most Republicans still profess to support free trade and loathe government borrowing. (36) Instead, unity is possible because two other goals bind the president and his party together. The first, tax cuts, is a usual priority for the party. But the second, deregulation, only recently rose to the same status. The call to cut red tape（官样文章，冗长的法规条文）is now an emotive rallying cry for Republicans—more so, in the hearts of many congressmen, than slashing deficits. Deregulation will, they argue, unleash a “confident America” in which businesses thrive and wages soar, leaving economists, with their excuses for the “new normal” of low growth, red faced. Are they right?(37) The straightforward motivation for Republicans’ deregulatory agenda is their disdain for President Barack Obama’s legacy, much of which was installed through regulatory fiat. The Affordable Care Act, better known as Obamacare, required bureaucrats to write thousands of pages of new rules; the Dodd-Frank financial-reform bill did the same. (38) When legislation was not forthcoming, the executive branch threw its weight around instead. It asserted that the Clean Air Act gave it wide-ranging powers to fight climate change, and that the Clean Water Act let it clean up many more ponds and rivers than ever before.(39) But totting up costs and benefits is hardly straightforward. An agency which supports a regulation can obviously nudge the numbers in a favorable direction. Bureaucrats must sometimes make value judgments. For instance, the Obama administration counted benefits to foreign countries when weighing up rules to reduce carbon emissions.In any case, cost-benefit analysis ages badly. Without updating it, it is difficult to know how much old regulations weigh on the economy. One Mercatus working paper plugs the number of rules in each industry into a complex model of the economy. It finds that rules written since 1980 have dampened growth by about 0.8 percentage points a year.(40) Republicans like to put about that sort of figure, but it strikes many economists as implausibly large. Even those sympathetic to deregulation are hesitant to forecast the growth effects of a regulatory bonfire, preferring to stress the benefits of tax cuts. Democrats, meanwhile, are scathing about the idea that rolling back regulations would pep up the economy much. Jason Furman, who advised Mr. Obama, adds up the costs of Obama-era rules and says it is “impossible” to see how you would add even a tenth of a percentage point to growth by undoing them. (The Trump administration promises growth of 3.5%-4%, up from 1.6% in 2016, partly on the back of deregulation.)

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